How Muhammad Ali transformed the
image of Islam
BOXING made Muhammad Ali famous, but his conversion to
Islam — and the meaning the world attached to it — made him a global historical
figure.
Ali’s conversion came to be understood as an act of transnational
identification with the oppressed wretched of the earth. And through Ali, Islam
itself was symbolically transformed for many observers from a conservative,
quietist faith to a force for radical protest against Western power.
This
remarkable story says more about Islam in the last half-century than it does
about Ali personally. Nevertheless, there remains something truly astonishing
about how the first African-American athlete to achieve global celebrity could
make that celebrity into a platform for religio-political activism, not
patriotism or consumerism.
When
Ali was publicly accepted into the Nation of Islam in 1964, that remarkable
movement was doubly peripheral. The numerically tiny Nation was very much at
the margins of American religious life. In theological and social terms, it was
almost completely alien to international Islam in its various mainstream forms.
Seen
in the context of American religious history, the Nation of Islam was one of
numerous self-fashioned African-American religious groups. Founded in Chicago
in 1930, its religious beliefs represented both an outgrowth of Christian
Protestantism and a rebellion against the Christianity that was seen as the
religion of slave-holders. The group’s founders told an origin story that
elevated blacks over whites. Their thinking about Africa was complex; but by
the time Ali joined, the Nation had followed Marcus Garvey’s Pan-Africanism in
seeking a connection with Africa, from which enslaved African-Americans had
been brutally cut off.
Although
the Muslims of the Nation self-identified with Islam, their original practices
would not have been recognisable to the overwhelming majority of the world’s
other Muslims. They did not read the Quran in its original Arabic, nor did they
pray in the Prophet’s language. Elijah Muhammad, the group’s most important
thinker and leader, taught that the world was 76 trillion years old and that
white people had been created by devil named Yakub, teachings utterly
unfamiliar to Sunni, Shia or Ismaili Muslims.
Given
this background, it’s little short of stunning that Ali’s conversion gripped
the imagination not only of Muslims worldwide, but of non-Muslims in what was
then coming to be known as the Third World. Part of this was that in the
pre-internet era, headlines mattered more than details. “Heavyweight Champion
of the World Converts to Islam” had a power that made it irrelevant that Ali
had joined a denomination most Muslims had never heard of. It mattered, too,
that in the Cold War, America’s combination of hard and soft power guaranteed
that the story of an American champion would travel everywhere.
Equally
or more important, however, was Ali’s own agency and incomparable communicative
genius. For him, conversion to Islam was as much or more political as it was
religious. He took his skill at making the news — using poetry, slogans and
epic charisma — and turned it to his core message: resistance to white American
hegemony. In this sense, there was a straight line between
“Float like a
butterfly, sting like a bee” and “Ain’t got no quarrel with them Viet Cong.”
The
Vietnam War was the canvas on which Ali painted his self-portrait of
resistance. His refusal to fight combined the argument against American racism
with the assertion of solidarity with Vietnamese victims of US violence. His
arrest, conviction and eventual vindication by a unanimous Supreme Court made
him the most prominent individual in the world to have taken on the US
government and won.
All
this made Ali a global symbol, as became clear in the run-up to his 1974 fight
with George Foreman in Kinshasa, Zaire. As dramatised in the terrific
documentary When We Were Kings, and to a lesser degree in writings by Norman
Mailer and George Plimpton, Ali was treated by Zairians as a champion of
Africa. The unfortunate Foreman became the heavy, a stand-in for US global
power.
What’s
rarely acknowledged about this symbolic process is that Ali was one of the
first global figures — arguably the first — through whom Islam itself could be
seen as a crucial vector for Third World resistance and revolution. Ali had
become a Muslim, and by that act, he had simultaneously become a politically
conscious Third World resister to the power and militarism of the West. That
identity could be appreciated by Third World Muslims and non-Muslims alike, as
in Zaire.
A
nuanced recounting of the complex history of Islamic radicalism over the last
half-century would have to include an accounting of how Ali’s symbolic role
transformed Islam into a potential tool of anti-imperial, anticolonial,
anti-Western activism.
To
be sure, Ali’s own professed pacifism was a very far cry from the militant
Islam that would eventually emerge in the 1980s. That militancy grew from the
melange of the Palestinian liberation movement, the Iranian revolution, the
American-funded Afghan jihad and a range of other factors too numerous to be
recounted here. But all these different streams of militancy had in common an
identification of Islam with the Third World liberation.
Muhammad
Ali made himself a living symbol of that resistance. Against the master’s house
he used the master’s tools — and others of his own devising.
By arrangement with Bloomberg-The Washington Post.
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